Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem delivered the secretary-general’s customary address on the group’s “Martyr Leaders Day” on February 16. That date was chosen to mark the killing of Sheikh Ragheb Harb, one of Hezbollah’s founders, and Abbas al Musawi, the group’s second secretary-general. The day has also come to commemorate all of Hezbollah’s fallen leaders and commanders. Thus, Qassem said his first Martyr Leaders Day speech as the head of Hezbollah would address both “the memory of Hezbollah’s martyred leaders … and political developments.”
Qassem began by recalling the birthdate of Twelver Shiite Islam’s messianic figure, Mohammad bin al-Hassan al Mahdi—commonly known simply as “The Mahdi”—which occurred two days prior on the Islamic date of the 15th of Shaaban. Twelver Shiites believe the Mahdi is alive but “occulted:” hidden from plain human view, but will return at an appointed time to usher in an era of divinely guided justice. Qassem stressed that this concept does not mean adopting a posture of passive anticipation, but that awaiting the Mahdi’s return entails being “prepared, ready, working, obedient, pious, striving in the path of God Almighty … and working to confront injustice,” underscoring Hezbollah’s ideological rejection of traditional Shiite political quietism. “This is how we wait because his appearance is not in our hands,” said Qassem. “Therefore, we must take up our duty to be active under the blessed banner of the Master of Age and Time, [for whom] we are willing to lay down our souls on the path of his arrival.”
Qassem also extended his congratulations to “the Wali al Faqih” Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei for the 46th anniversary of the “victory of the blessed Islamic Revolution in Iran,” which Qassem said ushered in “the example of the true life in service of God Almighty” and “flipped the regional balance of forces” in favor of “resistance” in Lebanon, Palestine, and elsewhere. “Thanks be to God Almighty who granted this umma this blessed Islamic Revolution,” he said.
Qassem then offered his condolences to “the Hariri family and [Rafic Hariri’s Future] Political Movement,” on the 20th anniversary of the February 14 assassination of Rafic Hariri. At face value, Qassem’s words appeared odd. Hezbollah and the Future Movement, under the leadership of the slain Rafic’s son, Saad, have a longstanding rivalry—and it was Hezbollah operatives who assassinated Rafic Hariri. However, Qassem was likely repaying the respects that Saad extended upon the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah—the man who very likely ordered his father’s killing.
Qassem then recounted the lives of Harb, Musawi, and Hezbollah’s most storied chief of staff, Imad Mughniyeh—who was killed on February 12 but whose death is commemorated on the 16th of the month—before turning to current events. He began by addressing President Donald Trump’s “very dangerous” plan for the Gaza Strip, which Qassem described as “an act of political extermination after Netanyahu and America failed to accomplish the direct physical extermination through the recent Israeli aggression … which led to 160,000 martyrs and wounded.” True to Hezbollah’s ideological plank of elevating its enmity towards the United States above all adversaries, this plan, he said, was thoroughly rejected and:
[It] proves more than any time before that everything Israel does is with American management, American direction, American support, American arming, American media and American leadership—and that Israel only has one purpose in this region: its role is to ruin us, to spread in the region, to expand its occupation, to accomplish America’s expansionist goals … this American project is a danger, a danger to all, a danger to Arab and Islamic countries. [Therefore,] don’t say we have a problem called the Palestinian Cause. Instead, say we have a problem called the Israeli occupation, directed by America, to uproot Palestine and the Arab World and control the world.
The Arab and international silence “during the aggression,” Qassem said, had led to “this American stance.” But Hezbollah, he stressed, would not similarly remain silent and condemned any attempt to expel Palestinians “to Egypt, Jordan or Saudi Arabia.” These countries, he said, should likewise reject Trump’s plan “for the sake of Palestinians and for their own sake and the sake of their peoples.” Instead, Hezbollah supports establishing a “Palestine from the sea to the river,” especially because “this Israeli state or entity is clearly an imminent danger.” He called on Arab states to similarly support the Palestinians—even if not militarily—to prevent the Palestinians’ displacement and said, “In the name of Hezbollah, we are ready to be part of your plans to prevent their eviction.”
Lebanon, too, was in the crosshairs of this danger, Qassem claimed, “reminding” his audience that Israel had “established Lahad’s Army [the South Lebanon Army] to cut off a part of Lebanon’s lands to establish Israeli settlements.” Only Hezbollah and the “symbiosis between the Army, People, and Resistance” prevented this, he claimed, but warned that “Israel … has not abandoned” this goal but only “failed to accomplish it, though every time it will try to achieve this objective.”
Qassem then turned to domestic matters, stressing that Hezbollah had facilitated the election of Joseph Aoun as Lebanon’s president and that the group was “a facilitating component” of Nawaf Salam’s efforts to form a government.
I said a while ago when some claimed that the [Shiite] Duo [the Amal Party and Hezbollah] have a problem and are obstructing [the government formation process] along with other accusations, saying we shouldn’t be invited to join the government, that we should be outside of it and isolated. They were operating according to their fantasies, and I said then that we understand all of the government’s moves but that we need to address some details. Thank God the government was formed, and we’re comfortable with this government formation because it is a necessary constitutional process that will help invigorate the country, [facilitate] appointments, and undertake necessary obligations. I, therefore, congratulate the Lebanese on the formation of the government, and Hezbollah and the Amal Party had a central role in facilitating [its formation].
Hezbollah would extend this conciliatory and productive stance to formulating a cabinet policy statement, Qassem said, notwithstanding the accusations of obstructionism. “Why do you think it’s impossible to reach an agreement? In the end, the Lebanese people have the right to self-defense and to confront the Israeli enemy, and no one can deny them this right, which is enshrined in the constitution, cabinet policy statements, and [quasi-constitutional] Taif Agreement, and even in the United Nations [Charter]. God willing, we will reach a [mutually acceptable] solution on this matter,” he said.
The government’s first task, Qassem stressed, was securing “Israel’s complete withdrawal from all Lebanese lands it occupied during its aggression … by February 18.” He said that “Israel has no excuse” to remain on any Lebanese land; “no five points, no other details under any excuse or anything else. This is the [ceasefire] deal.” Therefore, the Lebanese state’s role “primary and exclusively, at this stage, is to employ all effort, through political pressure, through its relations, through any and all effort, to make Israel withdraw on February 18,” rejecting any and all efforts by “the Israeli Entity or America” to allow the IDF to retain control over any portion of Lebanese land. “At that point, if the Israelis remain in any place, then they will be occupiers of that place … and we don’t need to say how we will deal with an occupier. Because all know how one deals with an occupier.”
The Lebanese government’s second task, Qassem argued, was to pursue reconstruction and “attract donations or call for [aid] conferences or rely on [help] from [foreign] countries.” Meanwhile, Hezbollah, he said, “is ready to cooperate, us and the state, until we can achieve the goal of [post-war] reconstruction which is the state’s responsibility.” Likely hoping that the Lebanese state’s efforts would alleviate the burden on Hezbollah’s coffers, Qassem stressed that “what Israel destroyed, it destroyed in the Lebanese state. Therefore, the Lebanese state must assume responsibility for its citizens’ belongings that were destroyed. This is the equation. We’re now offering housing and renovation assistance, which is a temporary solution, until the reconstruction that is the state’s responsibility begins. We will cooperate with the state [assuming its] responsibilities.” Qassem noted that Hezbollah would not abandon “the people until the end,” and that the group wanted to “cooperate with the people, and with the state” to restore their properties and “homes better than they were.”
Hezbollah’s desire for cooperation stemmed from its state-building nature, Qassem said, and the group is ready, alongside the Amal Party, to cooperate with all Lebanese factions to revive their country. He, therefore, offered a “mere suggestion” that governmental appointments be offered through a “competition” to prevent any favoritism from coming into play and ensure only the most qualified individuals were given governmental posts.
Qassem then turned to the issue of Beirut temporarily banning incoming Iranian flights from landing at Rafic Hariri International Airport. “What’s the justification,” he asked before saying, “The prime minister received a phone call … telling him Israel will strike Beirut Airport’s runway if the Iranian plane lands in Hariri International Airport.” This, he said, led the premier to ban the Iranian flights “to protect the airlines and civilians.” Qassem stated that this was not a problem in and of itself, but it became so “because it was carrying out an Israeli order.” He continued:
We find ourselves in a real problem! Where is national sovereignty? Let the plane land, and let’s see what Israel will do! It is wrong of us to heed. Now Israel can place limits on everything—this ship can’t dock, this plane can’t land, you can’t build this building, you can’t hold this demonstration, no one can approach the border area. This will lead us to be subservient to Israel, heeding the demands of the occupation.
Qassem called on the Lebanese state to exercise its independent judgment in allowing “any flights from anywhere in the world, and Israel has no business in trying to run [Lebanese affairs].” He stressed this was particularly important, given the mutual ties and interests between Lebanon and Iran, and because the funeral of his predecessor, Hassan Nasrallah, is upcoming on February 23.
Qassem then turned to criticize certain elements of the Lebanese Armed Forces for using violent means, including tear gas, against what he described as a “peaceful protest” called for by Hezbollah to object to the decision to ban the Iranian flights. “If there was a problem, this demonstration had an organizing committee that one could have addressed; there’s no reason for this at all,” he said. Qassem stressed that “we and the army love each other, we’re in the government, we’re working to move matters along, so there’s no need for such actions.” He also condemned the attack on a United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol the day prior, and in that vein of responsible behavior, called for dealing with these issues “wisely” by “restoring Iranian flights to Lebanon as part of national sovereignty.”
Concluding his speech, Qassem addressed Nasrallah’s upcoming funeral, during which he said Hezbollah and its supporters would not only express their sadness but also “renew our pledge of allegiance … we want to transform this funeral into a phenomenon of [public] support and a confirmation of the path and direction.” He said participation would be widespread, from both within and outside of Lebanon, and stated:
[I call for] the widest possible participation from our supporters. Let the scene demonstrate that Hezbollah and the Islamic Resistance are present in the field, powerful, expansive. Whoever thinks to pressure them or drag them into conspiracies to weaken them will fail. Because we have a defiant, sacrificing, and legendary people. If a people like this support a group, it will inevitably be victorious.
Here, Qassem was making clear that this was no mere funeral but an event through which Hezbollah sought to demonstrate its retention of massive support among Lebanese Shiites—the country’s fastest-growing and likely largest sect. The latest polls from January and September of 2024 show that Hezbollah had somewhere between 85%-93% approval among Shiites. In the May 2022 parliamentary elections, the last held in Lebanon, the group garnered 356,000 of approximately 1.8 million votes cast, the most of any party by 150,000 votes. By demonstrating that it retains those numbers after the recent war with Israel through a massive turnout for Nasrallah’s funeral, Hezbollah can preempt any attempt by the Lebanese government or other political factions to disarm or restrain the group, lest they risk civil war.
Given the expected massive attendance at Nasrallah’s funeral, Qassem ended his speech by stressing the need for participants to remain disciplined and obey the event organizers’ directions.
